Statement by Permanent Representative Vassily Nebenzia at a UNSC Briefing on the situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian Question
Mr. President,
We wish to thank Mr. Ramiz Alakbarov, Deputy Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, for his briefing on the situation in the Middle East. We have closely listened to Mr. Nikolay Mladenov, High Representative for Gaza of the Board of Peace, as well as to Mr. Rami Hijjo. Frankly speaking, we were somewhat surprised to hear various members of the Council extolling what is happening now.
Today’s meeting is more than a routine briefing. Recently, the Council was presented with the first semi-annual report of the Board of Peace, pursuant to Security Council Resolution 2803. Let me remind you that Russia abstained during that vote as the resolution failed to mention Israel’s obligations, the role of UNRWA, the situation in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, or the universally recognized two-State solution. We chose not to block the document then only in response to numerous requests, primarily from regional States, to allow the US blueprint for Gaza a chance to succeed.
Regrettably, our fears were borne out. The Board of Peace’s report echoes the language of paragraph 33 about “the difference between a framework that exists on paper and one that delivers on the ground for the people of Gaza.” Six months after the vote on Security Council Resolution 2803, the so-called “Trump Plan” remains largely a dead letter, with declarative successes only serving as a smokescreen to conceal the grim reality in the Gaza Strip.
Israel’s demands for the release of all hostages and the return of the bodies of those deceased were fully accommodated. A number of Palestinians were also released. At the same time, the plan contained many other provisions, namely those having to do with a ceasefire, the delivery of full-scale humanitarian aid to the enclave, the handover of control over the Strip to a Palestinian technocratic committee, the deployment of the International Stabilization Force (ISF), not to mention the promises to transform Gaza into “the Middle East Riviera” with “miracle cities,” to “breathe new life into it,” and “create a special economic zone” – all these promises have turned out to be hollow words.
In fact, since the ceasefire was announced on October 10, 2025, Israeli strikes have been killing Palestinian civilians literally each and every day – more than 880 people have died and over 2,600 have been wounded. According to the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), most of them died as a result of sniper fire or explosions of tripwire bombs which were positioned at access points to water sources. There is a genuine manhunt underway targeting Palestinian law enforcement officers. Incidentally, the issue of accountability and the number of ceasefire violations are elegantly being skirted in the report of the Board of Peace. On the whole, since October 7, 2023, the number of Palestinian casualties has amounted, by the most modest estimates, to approximately 73,000 dead and 173,000 injured, with tens of thousands still missing and buried under the rubble.
Those who survived in Gaza continue to suffer from acute shortages of food and basic necessities, communicable diseases, and they are being forced to relocate en masse due to the bans and restrictions, which were imposed and are being tightened by the Israelis. As was mentioned at a recent OHCHR briefing, sanitary conditions in the enclave are catastrophic, which is compounded by acute shortages of clean drinking water. According to the available information, the UN emergency humanitarian appeal for $4 billion is financed to the tune of a meager 12%. In essence, it is suffocation and blockade that have become the alternatives to large-scale bloodletting and starvation in the enclave.
Mr. President,
Those who read the report by the Board of Peace might come to the impression that Hamas alone is to blame for all the misfortunes plaguing Gaza. Essentially, it is being proposed that we accept the premise whereby blocking humanitarian aid, investment, and development assistance can be made contingent on political demands. We are explicitly being told that until Palestinian groups disarm, we better forget about the provisions of the Trump plan stipulating that “Israel will not occupy or annex the Gaza Strip” and that the people of the enclave will be given “the opportunity to build a better Gaza.” At the same time, it is being proposed that the Security Council members exert pressure on Hamas and Palestinian factions for them to accept a “road map” and a framework document on disarmament, which have not even been shown to the Security Council. However, such “pigs in a poke” no longer surprise us.
The US plan for Gaza contains no specific political commitments vis-à-vis the Palestinians themselves. The Palestinians, who have been tormented by a decades-long brutal war, are cynically being lured with idyllic depictions of beach resorts, skyscrapers, and promises of jobs. But this will be in exchange for their own State, which was pledged to them by the international community more than 70 years ago.
But these promises of a bright future no longer inspire faith. Although Israel is bound by international obligations to assist UNRWA, now it is not only blatantly violating them but also taking further provocative steps: On May 17, the Israeli government declared plans to build an IDF museum and an enlistment office on the site of the recently demolished UNRWA headquarters in East Jerusalem. We align ourselves with the statement by the UN Secretary-General which firmly condemned this decision and called for the return of the former UNRWA compound in East Jerusalem to the United Nations.
There is also information about the reconsideration of the plan’s provisions stipulating that Gaza is to come under the control of the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza (NCAG) during the transitional phase. 65 percent of the Strip’s territory is likely to be handed over to the full control of West Jerusalem, while the NCAG is supposed to control only 35 percent. At the same time, entry into the Israeli-controlled part will be subject to quotas and require permission from Israel. We would appreciate it if the distinguished briefer representing the Board of Peace Council would comment on this matter.
Mr. President,
By way of conclusion, we wish to reaffirm that we see no alternative to returning to the comprehensive peace process based on a universally recognized international legal framework with the two-state solution as its core principle, which entails respect for the legitimate rights and aspirations of the Palestinians to have their own State, coexisting in peace and security with Israel. Rather than calling the membership of the Security Council to help address tasks that are pointedly counterproductive, we need to gear international efforts towards ensuring the implementation of fundamental decisions concerning the Middle East settlement process.
Thank you.
