Permanent Mission of the Russian Federation to the United Nations

Permanent Mission of the Russian Federation to the United Nations

Statement by Mr. Petr Iliichev, Chargé d'Affaires, at the Security Council on the situation in Libya

We are grateful to Mr. Kobler and Mr. Skoog for their briefings.

We regret to note that, despite the efforts being made by the international community to resolve the internal political crisis in Libya, the situation is not improving. We are concerned that the fragmentation of the country and its public administration system are hindering the solution of the numerous problems that the country faces in the fields of security and socioeconomics. Libya is still painfully recovering from the impact of the political intervention of 2011.

The ongoing confrontation between Tripoli and Tobruk has led to an actual paralysis of the Government’s administrative system. One of the latest alarm signals of general instability is the fighting in the area of the so-called oil crescent, as well as in the south of the country. Against the backdrop of the power vacuum, we have seen the presence of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant and Al-Qaeda, as well as the activities of local extremist groups. The problem of the spread of terrorism is especially urgent, given Libya’s porous borders and the absence of centralized law-enforcement agencies. We are concerned that as a result of counterterrorist actions, some militants have subsequently scattered to various corners of the country, which might lead to the formation of sleeper cells.

The negative impact of the situation in Libya is being felt in Europe, which has had to deal with the influx of illegal migrants trying to cross over to the European continent from Libyan territory. Similar problems include the aggravated problems of crossborder crime, arms smuggling and drug trafficking.

We see a potentially constructive role played by Libya’s neighbours in suppressing such threats. We note the importance of the implementation of resolution 2259 (2015), which established the Libyan Political Agreement as the basis for the settlement of the conflict. Unfortunately, there has been almost no progress in implementing the Skhirat Agreement. The main tasks of the transition period have not been fulfilled. For example, the work on the text of the Constitution has not been completed, general elections have not been held, and as a result permanent bodies of power still need be formed. It is good that the Libyan parties have declared their readiness for dialogue, but additional efforts will be required in order to reach a clear understanding of the parameters of national reconciliation, including the formation of national authorities.

The Presidency Council in Tripoli cannot seriously expand the base of its support and become an institution of power trusted by broad sections of the population throughout the country. The capital is controlled by numerous armed groups and not all of them are loyal to the Presidency Council. The prospects for the establishment of the Presidential Guard are still unclear. Moreover, it is unclear how its formation connects with the key task of creating unified power structures. The membership of the Government of National Accord has not been endorsed by the House of Representatives, as required by the Skhirat Agreement.

The myriad interrelated problems dictate the urgent need for vigorous international support for the political process in Libya, which could reduce the likelihood of further negative development of the situation on the ground. There is no alternative to continuing, under the auspices of the United Nations, to work painstakingly with the representatives of all major political forces, regions and tribal groups. It is necessary to help them overcome their internal disagreements and find mutually acceptable solutions to the remaining controversial issues. That work needs to be intensified and provided with specific ideas. We cannot leave anyone on the sidelines, as some Western countries have done with the introduction of unilateral sanctions. In that case, the gradual return to the country of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya must be strictly related to the security situation.

Libya should not allow room for unhealthy competition, which will only complicate the prospects for settlement. Therefore, we attach great importance to the consolidation of international efforts, including their important elements in forums such as the African Union, the League of Arab States and neighbouring countries of Libya. The development of a common position by regional forces would be very helpful, since a stable and secure Libya would meet their long-term interests. We look forward to continuing the work of the Rome format, with the participation of all interested parties. It would be wrong to allow its fragmentation and gradual demise.

One of the key areas that requires our attention is the promotion of the unification of power structures. At the same time, it would be a mistake to marginalize the Libyan National Army, since the Army could form the basis for future unified armed forces. A united Libyan National Army under central command could become a reliable recipient of international military assistance. Given the current uncertainty, we believe that it would be premature to start talking about the full or partial lifting of the arms embargo imposed on Libya by Security Council decision.

The fate of the country should be decided by the Libyans themselves. Trying to provide them with ready-made solutions is counterproductive. That said, at the heart of the Libyan political process should be the refusal of all parties involved to resolve the crisis through force. The only way out of the impasse must be found through joint efforts at the negotiating table.

We believe that it is a mistake for some capitals to support Tripoli against Tubruq. We should not pit one set of Libyans against another. That kind of one-sided policy has become a reason for the slow-down of the political process. We would like to hope that the many foreign military presences in Libya will not contribute to the further disintegration of the country and its institutions. The efforts of European countries to fight the illegal migration passing through Libyan territory and the measures they have taken to do so should not go further than their declared purposes.

Russia’s position is consistent. Guided by the priority task of maintaining the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Libya, we have been working with all the power centres by encouraging them to overcome their differences. Given Libya’s particular situation, it is the only proper approach.

In general, the international community faces the difficult task of preventing the country’s disintegration and collapse. It is in our interests to ensure that Libya emerges from its protracted crisis as quickly as possible, that it re-emerges as a stable State, sustained by its strong institutions, a functional army and lawenforcement structure and that it can regain its status as an important player in the Middle East. A strong, lasting settlement would not only respond to the hopes and interests of the Libyans themselves, it would also have a salutary effect on the Middle East and North Africa in general. For that, we need coordinated action on the part of all interested parties, and we are ready for such cooperation.